Testimony of Philip H. Gordon Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs (August 4, 2009)
Testimony of Philip H. Gordon
Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Subcommittee for Europe
August 4, 2009
"Georgia: One Year After the August War"
Chairwoman
Shaheen, Senator DeMint, members of the Committee, thank you for the
opportunity to speak to you today about the situation in Georgia on the
one-year anniversary of the August war.
I
would like to start by thanking the Committee and others in Congress for their
generous support for Georgia over the past year. The $1 billion in assistance
that Congress provided is making a huge difference in Georgia’s efforts to
recover and rebuild from the August conflict. Despite the global economic
crisis that followed the war, Georgia has been able to weather the storm. The
assistance provided by the United States and other international donors, and
Georgia’s effective management of that assistance, is playing a critical role
in meeting the urgent needs of Georgia’s citizens, supporting the economy and
contributing to the long-term security and stability of the country.
During
his visit to Tbilisi two weeks ago, Vice President Biden reaffirmed to Georgia
and to the rest of the world that U.S. support for Georgia is unwavering. Some
have had questions about whether our efforts to improve our relations with
Russia would negatively affect our policy toward Georgia. The Vice President’s
answer was unequivocal – “We, the United States, stand by you on your journey to
a secure, free and democratic, and once again united, Georgia.”
At
the same time, the Vice President made clear that Georgia has more work to do
in strengthening its democracy. He called for fulfilling the promise of the
Rose Revolution by making government more transparent and accountable, by
expanding political debate from the streets to parliament, by making the media
more independent and professional, by addressing concerns about judicial
independence and the balance of power between the parliament and the executive
branch, by firmly establishing the rule of law, and by shifting transfers of
power from the streets into peaceful, constitutional processes. The Vice
President also stressed that there is no military option for reintegration of
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and that Georgia should focus instead on our
diplomatic efforts – in the Geneva talks and other international fora – to
promote re-integration, and on 2 political
and economic reforms that will make it, over time, more attractive to people in
those regions.
We
have worked over the past year and will continue to work to achieve all of
these objectives in our bilateral relationship. We strongly support Georgia’s
independence and sovereignty, and its territorial integrity within its
internationally recognized borders. We reject the concept of spheres of
influence. We support the right of Georgia and other countries to choose their
own alliances. At the same time, we urge Georgia to exhibit strategic patience,
to do everything possible to avoid further conflict, and to vigorously pursue
political and economic reforms.
Of
the $1 billion in assistance pledged by the United States to Georgia,
approximately 44 percent has already been expended. Last fall, in the days and
weeks following the conflict, U.S. assistance provided emergency humanitarian
relief to internally displaced persons. Through a rapid response mechanism, the
U.S. provided emergency relief items, medicine and food to many of the people
displaced by the August conflict. Subsequent U.S. technical and budgetary
assistance has helped Georgia to address extraordinary expenditures stemming
from the conflict and to sustain confidence in Georgia’s banking system and
wider economy, in spite of the global economic downturn. The success of our assistance
was also made possible by the remarkable economic reforms Georgia has
implemented since the Rose Revolution of 2003.
With
the immediate crisis having passed, our assistance is designed to support
recovery and reconstruction, as well as longer-term core infrastructure
investments, border security, law enforcement, and democratic reform. As we
look ahead, we are tailoring our regular annual assistance programs to Georgia
to maximize their follow-on impact to the $1billion package, particularly in
the enhancement of democracy and economic growth and meeting humanitarian
needs. In coordination with other U.S. agencies, we are working to program the
remaining portion of the $1 billion pledge to address areas of critical need
including stabilizing the Georgian economy, addressing the needs of internally
displaced persons, and providing capital investments to speed Georgia’s
recovery.
The
American people can be proud of what their generous assistance to Georgia has
accomplished so far. For example, last week our Ambassador in Tbilisi visited a
wheat field that, following the August conflict, was filled with Russian tanks
and equipment. The farm equipment was stolen or destroyed by Russian and South
Ossetian troops at the time of the conflict, and local farmers were unable to
work the land to make a living. Today, those same Georgian farmers are
harvesting a bumper crop of winter wheat using seeds provided by USAID. U.S.
assistance to Georgia is not only
helping individuals and communities to regain their livelihoods, but it is
burnishing our image abroad.
I
would also emphasize that the United States has not been alone in assisting
Georgia in the wake of the conflict. International donors have pledged an
additional $3.5 billion, including $800 million from the European Commission
and EU member states. The European Union in May also launched the Eastern
Partnership Initiative that will strengthen its economic and political ties
with Georgia and several other East European countries. This outpouring of
assistance, despite the international financial crisis, sent a clear message
that Georgia’s friends would not allow its economy to collapse.
One
year after the Russian invasion, Moscow continues to strengthen its grip on
South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Thousands of Russian forces remain in both regions,
a significant increase from pre-war levels, and in April Russia signed an
agreement with the separatists whereby Russia will guard the administrative
boundaries for the next five years. South Ossetian and Abkhaz economic dependency
on Russia also continues to grow.
We
have worked closely with our international partners to oppose recognition of
the separatist regimes. Nicaragua is the only country to have joined Russia in
recognizing South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent. Even Russia’s closest
partners have not followed suit. We have maintained international unity in
calling on Russia to implement the cease fire agreements of August 12 and
September 8, 2008, withdraw its forces to their pre-war positions, and ensure
unhindered humanitarian access to South Ossetia and Abkhazia. We and our
partners have also called on the Russian forces who occupy these Georgian
regions to uphold the rule of law and ensure respect for human rights.
The
security situation in Georgia remains a cause for concern. Since the end of the
conflict, a dozen Georgian police operating outside the administrative
boundaries have been killed by sniper fire or explosive devices. Meanwhile, the
number of international monitors in Georgia is shrinking. Despite creative
efforts by ourselves and our international partners to maintain international
observers while avoiding contentious issues of status, in May Russia would not
join consensus at the OSCE on a status-neutral proposal to extend the mandate
of the OSCE monitors. In June, Russia likewise vetoed a UN Security Council
resolution designed to extend the mandate of UNOMIG, a resolution which had
compromise language identical to that contained in two UNSC resolutions Russia
approved after the war, in February 2009 and October 2008. In both cases,
Russia insisted on new
unacceptable language that would recognize the legitimacy of the separatist
regimes. Once again, we and our international partners stood united in support
of Georgia’s territorial integrity. We continue to urge Russia to support an
international presence in Georgia, which would reduce the risk of conflict and
provide outside contact with the separatist areas, including at least 40,000
ethnic Georgians who reside in the Gali District of Abkhazia.
The
only international monitors that will remain in place in the months ahead are
from the European Union. The EU Foreign Ministers decided on July 27 to extend
the mandate of the EU Monitoring Mission for another year until September 2010.
We applaud the excellent work that the EU has done in monitoring Russia’s
partial pullback from undisputed Georgian territory last year, and in
preventing another outbreak of fighting since that time. The 250 EU monitors
have been blocked by Russia and the separatists from patrolling in the
separatist areas, but even so they have been invaluable in providing unbiased
reporting on the security situation just outside the administrative boundaries,
and in dispelling false reports. I would note that Georgia has cooperated fully
with the EU Monitoring Mission, including signing two agreements, one each with
the Ministries of Defense and Internal Affairs, under which Georgia reports all
movements of its security forces near the administrative boundaries and allows
unannounced inspections of its military facilities. We call on Russia and the
separatists to provide for a similar level of international transparency on the
other side of the administrative boundaries, and to allow the EU monitors to
patrol in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
The
EU, along with the UN and the OSCE, has also been chairing a series of meetings
in Geneva to address the security and humanitarian situation in Georgia. Six
rounds of Geneva talks have been held thus far, with the seventh scheduled for
September 17. The United States has participated in the sessions along with
Russia, Georgia, and representatives of the separatist regimes. The meetings
have been difficult due to our fundamental disagreement over the status of
South Ossetia and Abkhazia, but they facilitate direct contact between Georgian
and separatist leaders and keep international attention focused on the dispute.
The one concrete result thus far has been establishment of Joint Incident
Prevention and Response Mechanisms for South Ossetia and Abkhazia. While these
are very much a work in progress, particularly over questions of leadership,
access, and participation we hope that they will serve as a bridge across the
administrative boundaries and help defuse tensions. The UN should continue to
play a prominent role in facilitating these meetings, and we support the
extension of the mandate for the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative
for Georgia. We will continue to work through the
Geneva talks, the UN and the OSCE to prevent further conflict, to promote the
return of displaced persons, and to promote international access to all of
Georgia.
While
we have been focused on the separatist regions over the past year, we have also
been following domestic political developments in Georgia. Instead of
precipitating an uprising against President Saakashvili, Russia’s invasion
helped unify the country last fall. But there continue to be deep divisions in
Georgian politics that resurfaced in opposition protests this spring. Starting
in April, daily rallies were held in Tbilisi, usually consisting of several
hundred to several thousand people. The protests were led by non-parliamentary
opposition leaders, some of whom refused to take their seats in parliament
after the 2008 elections. Their key demands were the resignation of President
Saakashvili and early elections.
The
government’s response to the protests was an offer to increase opposition
participation in oversight of elections, the judicial branch and the media.
Most recently, in a speech he gave on July 20, President Saakashvili announced
that electoral reforms would be completed by the end of 2009 and that local
elections would be moved up from fall 2010 to May 2010. President Saakashvili
also asked the constitutional reform commission to limit the president’s
ability to dissolve parliament, proposed increasing the penalties for
interference with the judiciary, and offered opposition and civil society seats
on the public broadcasting board. The opposition criticized these offers as
insufficient, but suspended its street protests in late July.
The
vigorous, open political debate in Georgia has been encouraging, and both the
government and protesters have behaved in a largely peaceful and orderly
fashion, despite some violence on both sides. The protests reflect the need for
strengthening Georgia’s democracy in a number of areas, including expanding
independent media, strengthening the rule of law by improving judicial
independence, enhancing political pluralism, and creating a stronger, more
active civil society, which has greater opportunities for engaging with the
government. We encourage the government, the opposition, and civil society to
cooperate on democratic reform and building strong and lasting democratic
institutions, including enhancing institutional checks and balances,
strengthening electoral processes, political pluralism, civic participation,
and the media, and preparing Georgia for the first end-of-term electoral
transfer of power in its history, in the 2013 presidential election.
Through both our annual assistance and a relatively modest but important
part of our $1 billion post-conflict commitment, we are devoting considerable
resources toward supporting Georgia’s democratic development. For example,
through assistance and diplomatic engagement, the United States has supported
development of a new Council of Europe-compliant Criminal Procedure Code. In
the next year, this Code will introduce new roles and responsibilities for
judges, prosecutors and lawyers and will help Georgia complete a shift to a
criminal justice system that is characterized by greater judicial independence,
a greater role for the prosecution and defense, and respect for human rights.
Other programs are targeted to address systemic weaknesses in Georgia’s democracy
and the underlying tensions they create. These programs include working to
promote government, opposition and civic consensus on a revised electoral code,
and enhancing the Parliament’s capacity to hold the executive to greater levels
of accountability.
In
addition to strengthening Georgia’s democracy, we believe that these reforms
ultimately will make integration with Georgia more appealing to people in South
Ossetia and Abkhazia, and will strengthen Georgia’s candidacy for membership in
European and transatlantic institutions. As Vice President Biden reaffirmed in
Tbilisi, we continue to fully support Georgia’s NATO membership aspirations,
and the right of all countries to choose their own alliances. Following the
August conflict, Allies and Georgia agreed to launch the NATO-Georgia
Commission and to have Georgia develop an Annual National Program to guide its
reform efforts aimed at meeting NATO’s membership standards. Georgia has been
actively engaged in these processes, submitting its first Annual National
Program this past spring and participating in a series of Commission meetings
with Allies. Georgia also hosted two NATO Partnership for Peace exercises in
May, which drew broad international participation despite Russia’s last-minute
efforts to have the exercises cancelled.
Our
longstanding bilateral military relationship over the past year has been
focused on defense reform and modernization, and we will continue down this
road in the months ahead. This approach emphasizes doctrine, interoperability with
NATO, English-language training, and preparing and equipping Georgian forces
for participation in NATO operations, including future deployments to
Afghanistan. Georgia will deploy an infantry company with French forces in
Afghanistan later this year, and has pledged to deploy a battalion to support
NATO efforts in Afghanistan in 2010. We are grateful for Georgia’s
contributions to this critical mission, as well as its earlier contribution of
2000 troops in Iraq, and we believe 7
these deployments help contribute to our common security goals and enhance
Georgia’s readiness for NATO membership.
Defense
cooperation is one of several issues we are discussing with Georgia through the
new U.S.-Georgia Strategic Partnership Commission, a body that reflects the
breadth and depth of our bilateral relationship. The Commission’s first
meeting, led by Deputy Secretary of State Steinberg and Georgian Foreign
Minister Vashadze, took place on June 22 in Washington, and included
discussions on democracy, economic relations and people-to-people exchanges, in
addition to defense cooperation.
The
Commission will reinforce our efforts to help Georgia strengthen media freedom,
rule of law, good governance, political pluralism, electoral reform and the role
of civil society. In our economic relations, the Commission will seek to
increase bilateral trade and investment, increase Georgian energy production
and transit routes, and maximize the effectiveness of our $1 billion assistance
package. In people-to-people exchanges, the Commission will promote bilateral
cultural, educational and professional exchange programs, as well as contact
between the residents of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions and the rest of
Georgia. We see the Strategic Partnership Commission as a valuable forum for
pursuing our shared interests, and we look forward to the next meeting this
fall in Tbilisi.
The
work of the Commission is a microcosm of our relationship with Georgia –
recognizing the challenges that we must deal with in South Ossetia and
Abkhazia, but also focusing on how we can work with Georgia to fulfill the
promise of the Rose Revolution. As we come to the anniversary of the August
War, we can take pride in the work that the United States and our international
partners have done over the past year to support Georgian independence and
territorial integrity. We should maintain that commitment, but also redouble
our efforts to help Georgia become a model of democracy and prosperity for the
entire region.
Madame
Chairwoman, Senator DeMint, members of the Committee, I am grateful for the
opportunity to speak before you today, and I welcome the opportunity to respond
to your questions.




