Testimony of Ambassador Alexander Vershbow Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs (August 4, 2009)
Testimony of Ambassador Alexander
Vershbow
Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Subcommittee for Europe
August 4, 2009
Introduction
Chairwoman
Shaheen, Senator DeMint, members of the subcommittee, thank you for calling
this important hearing, which offers us a chance to reflect on Georgia, Russia
and U.S. policy in the Eurasia region one year after the August war. Russia’s
invasion of Georgia was a critical event that has profound implications for
U.S. policy in the region. I would like to start by thanking the Committee and
others in Congress for their generous support for Georgia over the past year.
This
anniversary is both tragic and hopeful, as it presents an opportunity to look
back on a difficult time, yet shows that, one year on, Georgia has emerged
thanks to help from the United States and the international community. Our
assistance has been conducted in partnership with the European Union, NATO and
the international community, and it is paired with a “reset” of U.S.-Russia
relations and deepened support to Georgia and our regional partners. As we
approach the one-year anniversary of the conflict and have passed the first six
months of the new Administration, the Obama administration has shown, both in
word and action, that U.S. support for Georgia remains steadfast and that we
are on the right course with our policy in the region.
Situation on the Ground
One
year after the conflict, the security situation in Georgia remains a cause for
concern as violence persists and the international community is limited in its
ability to prevent conflict and monitor the situation on the ground since the
expiration of the mandates of the OSCE and UNOMIG. Moscow continues to
strengthen its control over the separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
As my colleague noted, thousands of Russian combat troops and security forces
with modern equipment are entrenched in Georgian sovereign territory, and
Russia continues to build infrastructure, logistics and military bases in both
regions. Despite their recognition by Russia and Nicaragua, the separatist
regions have become even more isolated, as the international community has
refused Russia’s call to recognize their independence.
We
will continue to work with our international partners to oppose wider
recognition of the separatist regimes. We appreciate the European Union’s
diplomatic role in Georgia and the Geneva process, and we fully support the EU
Monitoring Mission – the only international monitors that will remain in place
in the months ahead. The Department of Defense will continue to support our
State Department colleagues as we maintain international unity in calling on
Russia to implement the cease-fire agreements of August 12 and September 8,
which obligate Russia to withdraw its military forces to their pre-war
positions. With our partners, we have also called on Russian forces that occupy
these Georgian regions to uphold the rule of law and ensure respect for human
rights, and to allow unhindered humanitarian access to South Ossetia and
Abkhazia.
Georgian
forces have cooperated with the EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM), as the Ministry
of Defense and Ministry of Internal Affairs signed a unilateral agreement under
which Georgia reports to the EU monitors all movements of its security forces
near the administrative boundaries and allows unannounced inspections of
Georgian military facilities. This was an important step, and an indicator of
Georgia’s intent to remain transparent and committed to promoting stability in
the separatist regions. The EUMM has been able to investigate and dispel claims
of Georgian military build-ups and deployments to the administrative
boundaries, although their full capabilities to investigate all parties’ claims
are limited due to their lack of access to Russian-controlled areas of South
Ossetia and Abkhazia.
As
my colleague mentioned, we regret deeply the end of the OSCE and UN missions in
Georgia and the lack of access to the separatist regions. Russia’s blocking of
consensus at the OSCE on a status-neutral proposal to extend the mandate of the
OSCE Mission in Georgia and its vetoing of a UN Security Council resolution
extending the mandate of UNOMIG were unfortunate. Russia’s refusal to allow these
valuable missions to continue, unless they were given new mandates that
recognized as legitimate the separatist regimes, is inconsistent with the
spirit of Russia’s commitments signed after the conflict. We again call on
Russia to implement the Sarkozy-Medvedev cease-fire arrangements and introduce
an international presence that provides a modicum of transparency and
monitoring that can help secure the region. Just this past weekend, tension
again escalated, further highlighting the need for international monitoring on
both sides of the administrative boundary, as well as the need to use existing
mechanisms and open, transparent communication to defuse tension.
U.S. Policy
United
States policy rests on the continued support of Georgia’s territorial integrity,
independence and sovereignty; rejecting any notion of spheres of influence in
the region; and promoting peace and stability. We stand by the principle that
sovereign states have the right to make their own decisions, and choose their
own partnerships and alliances. We will not recognize Abkhazia and South
Ossetia as independent states. Most importantly,
we will continue to stand by and deepen our support to Georgia and its people.
This support does not come blindly however, and we will calibrate our assistance
to respect the needs of the Georgian people, to strengthen regional security,
and to support democratic and economic reforms in Georgia.
Despite
concerns from some quarters, U.S. efforts to reset relations with Russia will
not come at the expense of Georgia. President Obama stressed this point on his
recent trip to Moscow, when he said: “The pursuit of power is no longer a
zero-sum game.” We can strive to improve our bilateral relations with Russia
while remaining steadfast in our support for Georgian sovereignty and
territorial integrity. The Vice President also noted during his recent visit to
Georgia that there is no military option for reintegration of the separatist
regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. We have urged Georgia to exhibit strategic
restraint, to do everything possible to avoid another conflict, and to
vigorously pursue political and economic reforms that can make reintegration
into Georgia attractive to the people of the separatist regions of Abkhazia and
South Ossetia.
We
believe that stable democracies on Russia’s borders contribute not only to
Europe’s security, but to Russia’s as well. In that vein, we stand by our
commitment to continue our strong support for Building Partner Capacity and
establishing strong security cooperation programs with our partners in the
region. These will not suffer due to the “reset” in relations with Russia. Good
relations with Russia and cooperation with its neighbors are not mutually
exclusive.
Defense Cooperation with Georgia
I
would like to utilize this opportunity to describe our assistance strategy to
Georgia and explain how we are approaching bilateral defense cooperation. This
is also an opportunity to clarify both what we are doing and what we have not
done. The U.S. has not “rearmed” Georgia as some have claimed. There has been
no lethal military assistance to Georgia since the August conflict. No part of
the $1 billion U.S. assistance package went to the Ministry of Defense.
After
the conflict, DoD delivered tens of millions of dollars in humanitarian aid to
the Georgian people. We are proud that the promise of $1 billion in assistance
to Georgia is being fulfilled. $100 million in DoD Section 1207 funding for
reconstruction assistance to Georgia went to the State Department as part of
this $1 billion package, which focused on resettling Georgian internally
displaced persons, rebuilding destroyed homes and infrastructure, and
rebuilding Georgia’s police forces.
Since
the conflict, DoD has employed a methodical, yet patient, strategic approach to
our defense cooperation. After the conflict, U.S. European Command (EUCOM)
implemented a comprehensive multi-month assessment of Georgia’s Armed Forces
(GAF), which provided us a basis for understanding Georgia’s needs and deficiencies.
We
found that the Russian invasion had degraded Georgia’s capabilities,
infrastructure and equipment. The conflict exposed or highlighted many
previously unrecognized or neglected deficiencies in the various required
capacities of the Georgian Armed Forces and Ministry of Defense. In practically
all areas, GAF defense institutions, strategies, doctrine, and professional
military education were found to be seriously lacking. As a result, we are
focusing on building defense institutions, assisting defense sector reform, and
building the strategic and educational foundations that will facilitate
necessary training, education, and rational force structure design and
procurement. We are assisting Georgia to move along the path to having modern,
western-oriented, NATO-interoperable armed forces capable of territorial
defense and coalition contributions.
DoD
hosted Bilateral Defense Consultations with Georgia in October 2008 and we look
forward to joining our Georgian partners in Tbilisi in the fall of 2009 for the
next round of these consultations. Georgia also hosted a Colonels’ Working
Group in early 2009, which set the parameters for our defense cooperation in
the year ahead. These discussions focused on ways to deepen our military
cooperation, and included frank exchanges on defense reform, priorities,
assistance areas and regional security. The objective of our assistance is to
support Georgia’s defense reform and modernization along Euro-Atlantic lines.
Our focus is currently on doctrine, education and training, and preparation for
Georgia’s future deployment to Afghanistan. We are taking a phased approach to
our military assistance and carefully examining each step to ensure that it
would not be counterproductive to our goals of promoting peace and stability in
the region.
Like
any sovereign state, Georgia has a right to legitimate territorial defense
capabilities. Focusing U.S. assistance initially on fundamental intellectual
issues like training, doctrine and personnel management, however, is our prioritized
approach, and this will serve as a foundation on which Georgia can build for
years to come. This effort provides a measured and meaningful way to help a
country that has helped us in Iraq and will again be standing together with
U.S., NATO and ISAF partner forces in Afghanistan.
Georgia’s
FY-09 FMF allocation is projected to be $11 million, and we plan to focus
assistance on a Simulations Center, Training and Education, Training Center
Modernization, and Development and Defense Advisors. We hope to focus
additional FY-10 resources on Defense Advisors, Support to Professional
Military Education (PME), Communications, Training and Education, Tactical
Vehicle (HMMWV) Maintenance, and Training Center Modernization.
This
assistance is geared toward helping Georgia modernize its military. Although
critical, we hope to contribute additional U.S. resources focused on
modernizing and helping Georgia to reform its Armed Forces. We welcome
Congress’s support and guidance in this regard. We believe that supporting Georgia’s
development and its defense institutions is a key part of our support to
Georgia.
We
have also stressed to the Georgian government that any strategy to take on
Russia is counterproductive and is doomed to failure. This will require a
long-term approach and strategic restraint on Georgia’s part.
Georgian Defense Reform
Notwithstanding
our pledge of assistance, Georgia bears responsibility for implementing the
necessary reforms. We have stressed clearly and unequivocally that there are no
military solutions to the challenge of the separatist regions. Georgia needs to
pursue a careful and rational defense modernization plan.
Georgia
has accomplished much in the last few years, showing a record of impressive
reforms unparalleled in the region. Since the conflict, Georgia has taken on
board U.S. advice from the EUCOM Armed Forces Assessment and is working to
institutionalize reforms along Euro-Atlantic lines. The Georgian Armed Forces
have implemented personnel reforms, modernized their system of professional
military education, begun to rewrite their doctrine, and increased their focus
on education and training. Georgia has also drafted its Annual National Program
for cooperation with NATO, initiated work on its General Defense Plan, and
drafted its National Military Strategy. We are assisting Georgia in these
efforts and will continue to do so.
Afghanistan
Georgia
has been a key partner in providing transit and overflights to Afghanistan, and
has offered to provide more of this support. Georgia has also recently offered
additional support to coalition efforts in Afghanistan, and we appreciate
Georgia’s recent offer to contribute a battalion of forces to ISAF, which will
likely deploy with U.S. forces in 2010. The United States supports this offer
and is working with Georgia to ensure that its forces can operate alongside
U.S., NATO Allies and ISAF partners as we confront the challenges in
Afghanistan. This deployment will showcase Georgia’s ability to recover from
the August conflict and remain a steadfast net contributor to international
security. Georgia will also be deploying an infantry company to ISAF with
French forces in Afghanistan later this year.
NATO
As
Vice President Biden reaffirmed in Tbilisi, we continue to support Georgia’s
NATO aspirations and the right of all countries to choose their own alliances.
Following the August conflict, Allies and Georgia agreed to launch the
NATO-Georgia Commission (NGC) and to have Georgia develop an Annual National
Program (ANP) to guide its reform efforts aimed at meeting NATO’s membership
standards. Georgia has been actively engaged in these processes ever since,
including submission of its first ANP to 6
NATO
this spring and participation in a series of NGC meetings with Allies. Georgia
hosted two NATO Partnership for Peace exercises in May, which drew broad
international participation despite Russia’s last-minute efforts to have the
exercises cancelled.
NATO
has clearly stated that Georgia and Ukraine will become NATO members, though
the timing and path have not been determined. NATO has an open door policy and
welcomes all aspirants who meet the qualifications for membership and NATO’s
performance-based standards. Although consensus among Allies is a requirement
to admit new members, no nation outside the Alliance has a veto. As an active
NATO Partnership for Peace nation that has participated in international
operations in Afghanistan, Kosovo and Iraq, Georgia has demonstrated its
commitment to regional and global security, but it has substantial work ahead
to complete the political, economic and security reforms necessary for
Euro-Atlantic integration. The Department of Defense will continue to work with
our NATO Allies to support Georgia’s reform efforts.
U.S.-Russia Policy
Despite
differences over Georgia, our relationship with Russia will continue to be an
important focus for this Administration and we have consistently sought to work
with Russia on a wide range of areas of mutual interest. Let me take this
opportunity to stress that this is not a zero-sum game, and recent advances in
U.S.-Russian relations should not be viewed as Georgia’s loss. Our reengagement
presents new opportunities for cooperation with Moscow to enhance U.S. and
European security.
The
April meeting of the Presidents in London and the July summit mark what I
believe can be a significant turning point in U.S.-Russia relations. The
Administration is under no illusion that this will be easy. Nor do we believe
that a strategic partnership will simply develop overnight. We do believe that
improved relations between the United States and Russia, which had started on a
downward trend long before August 2008, can help us meet the range of
challenges we face today.
We
set an ambitious agenda for the Moscow Summit and made significant progress on
a number of important issues. We are optimistic that the agreements that arose
from the Summit will assist our efforts broadly, from reducing strategic
weapons stockpiles to supporting the war in Afghanistan. There are also some
remaining areas of concern. As we move forward, the United States and Russia
will need to manage our disagreements in areas such as the sovereignty of
countries in the post-Soviet space, obligations under the Conventional Armed
Forces in Europe Treaty, and Russia’s backsliding on democracy and human rights
issues. We will continue to clearly and unequivocally raise areas of concern
and stick to our interests and principles in discussions with Moscow. 7
Conclusion
The
U.S.-Georgia Charter on Strategic Partnership, signed in January of this year,
represents an historic opportunity to deepen U.S.-Georgia relations, and puts
us on a solid footing for the future. I had the privilege of co-chairing the
Security Working Group of the U.S.-Georgia Strategic Partnership Commission on
June 22 with my colleague, Assistant Secretary Gordon. DoD is committed to
implementing the tenets of the U.S.-Georgia Charter, which states that “a
strong, independent, sovereign and democratic Georgia, capable of responsible
self-defense, contributes to the security and prosperity not only of all
Georgians, but of a Europe whole free and at peace.” We also stand by our
commitment in the Charter to undertaking a program of enhanced security cooperation
aimed at increasing Georgian capabilities and strengthening its candidacy for
NATO membership. We will support the efforts of Georgia to provide for its
legitimate security and defense needs, including the development of appropriate
and NATO-interoperable forces. The Charter will deepen our strong legacy of
bilateral cooperation in a wide range of areas, including defense cooperation.
The fall meeting of the Security Working Group will serve as a complement to
our Annual Bilateral Defense Consultations, which I hope to attend in Tbilisi
later this year.
In
addition to strengthening Georgia’s democracy, we believe that defense reform
will continue to help advance Georgia’s candidacy for membership in European
and transatlantic institutions, promote regional stability, and ensure that
Georgia remains independent and sovereign over its territory. We will conduct
our defense cooperation in a measured, responsible manner in keeping with our
support for Georgian sovereignty and territorial integrity, our longstanding
assistance to Georgian deployments to Allied and international operations, and
our desire to advance Georgia’s NATO integration goals.
Bilateral
cooperation with Georgia, in all sectors, can help the United States cement the
ongoing reforms to which Georgia has committed and fulfill the promise of the
Rose Revolution. The first anniversary of the August war is a time for
reflection, but most importantly a time for action to support prudent reform
and rebuilding of Georgia. We shall remain committed to Georgia’s independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity and look forward to working with our
Georgian partners to anchor security and prosperity in the years to come.
Madame
Chairwoman, Senator DeMint, members of the Committee, I am grateful for the
opportunity to speak before you today, and I welcome the opportunity to respond
to your questions.